Wildlife Management Bill – stage 2: the noose tightens around the neck of Scottish grouse moor criminals

Yesterday the Scottish Parliament’s Rural Affairs & Islands Committee finally started its two-day consideration of the Stage 2 amendments of the Wildlife Management (grouse moor reform) Bill after a two week delay to proceedings.

For new readers, this is proposed new legislation to regulate grouse shooting and its associated management practices by way of licensing schemes, introduced because of the continued illegal persecution of birds of prey on many Scottish grouse moors.

Rural Affairs & Islands Committee, 7 February 2024. Screengrab from Scottish Parliament TV.

The Committee was joined by Environment Minister Gillian Martin MSP and some of her civil servants, and there were other MSPs in attendance (Edward Mountain MSP (Conservative), Stephen Kerr MSP (Conservative), Colin Smyth MSP (Labour) and John Mason MSP (SNP), none of whom were eligible to vote on the Stage 2 amendments but who were present to speak to amendments they have lodged.

There weren’t any big surprises in this first session and it soon became clear that Committee members were voting along party lines.

The Committee dealt with glue traps (nothing to do with grouse moor management but included in the Bill as a sort of related topic in terms of wildlife management) and then got into the nitty gritty of wildlife traps. There are still a few amendments to deal with on wildlife traps at the start of the next session but then it’ll move on to the big issues of grouse moor management and muirburn.

I won’t go through each amendment in turn because I’d be here for hours and besides, those interested will be able to read the transcript when it’s published in the next few days [update – now published at foot of this blog], but I will highlight some of the big decisions made at yesterday’s session.

The main ‘win’ from our perspective was the Minister’s decision to ban all snares on welfare grounds, including the cynically rebranded so-called ‘humane cable restraints‘ (rebranded to make them sound less archaic). The grouse shooting industry’s aggressive campaign to try and have ‘humane cable restraints’ exempted from the ban has failed miserably. Only two Committee members opposed the amendment for a ban – the two Tories, Finlay Carson and Rachael Hamilton. It was a pattern that was repeated throughout the proceedings.

Incidentally, as an aside, I keep reading arguments from the game shooting industry to justify the continued use of ‘humane cable restraints’ because they’re used by researchers and conservationists to trap wildlife, notably foxes, for example to fit radio collars, and the foxes are subsequently released unharmed. Therefore, they argue, ‘humane cable restraints’ are fine to use. What they don’t explain is for how long those foxes are ‘held’ in the ‘humane cable restraint’ (snare) – I’d wager that it’s not for up to 24 hours without access to food, water or shelter (the permitted time a fox can currently be held in a snare in Scotland until this Bill passes). No self-respecting scientific ethics committee would support a research application on that basis.

Another big ‘win’ was an amendment lodged by Karen Adam MSP (SNP) who successfully argued that offences committed under the Animal Health & Welfare (Scotland) Act 2006 should be considered as relevant for a potential suspension or revocation of a wildlife trapping licence (and also for a grouse moor management licence, although that part won’t be considered until the second session). This is a really important amendment because it means that when, for example, someone has been convicted of, say, the sadistic crime of badger-baiting (like the recent conviction of depraved Millden Estate gamekeeper Rhys Davies employed on a grouse moor in the Angus Glens), that person should not be considered fit to hold a trapping or grouse moor management licence. I was astonished (but not really) to see that Tories Finlay Carson and Rachael Hamilton opposed this amendment.

On the issue of full cost recovery for trap licences (i.e. that trap licence applicants should have to pay a fee to cover NatureScot’s administration of the licensing scheme, an amendment lodged by John Mason MSP (SNP)), Rachael Hamilton had lodged a counter amendment to remove this provision. The ensuing debate was hilarious, and Rachael’s argument was muddled and frankly, idiotic. She berated John Mason:

He [John Mason] also should not, with respect, castigate assertions that illegal behaviours have been related to rural stakeholders

She then went on a politicking spree, accusing the Scottish Government of “kow-towing” to another party (the Scottish Greens) as part of the Bute House Agreement (the shared policy agreement between the Scottish Greens and the SNP) but by this stage, Jim Fairlie MSP (SNP) had heard enough. He spoke to her directly, barely suppressing his exasperation:

By the stakeholders’ own acceptance, this Bill was brought forward as a result of raptor persecution, which has been going on for decades, and the fact that there are going to be consequential wildlife benefits of bringing in this Bill does not necessitate the fact that the public purse should pay for it. Now I’m not saying one way or another how or where I’m going to vote on this at this moment in time, but to sit here today, you’re almost, sorry, the Member is almost trying to say that this has been brought forward as a result of the Bute House Agreement on the drive of the Greens. No, it’s not. It’s been brought forward because raptor persecution has been happening in this country, for decades, and the landowners who were responsible, or whose employees were responsible, did not shut it down. So I’m afraid I’ll be supporting the landowners and the rural workers more than most, but on this point I’m afraid I fundamentally disagree with you“.

Jim Fairlie’s facial expression when listening to Rachael Hamilton said it all.

Rachael Hamilton responded:

Well, thank you to Jim Fairlie for that intervention. I mean of course, the whole objective is to ensure that we get those people who are operating illegally and that is the most important part of this Bill, but there’s no connection between raptor persecution and grouse moors. There are other reasons for persecution and those reasons would be predation, intraguild predation, the habitat etc, so we can agree to disagree on that“.

Eh?? After all the evidence presented to this Committee on the absolutely unequivocal link between grouse moor management and illegal raptor persecution, Rachael Hamilton is STILL denying the link exists, at this late stage of the Bill??! That’s either wilful blindness or embarrassing stupidity. And then describing the ‘reasons for persecution’ as being ‘intraguild predation’ and ‘habitat’ – it’s just mumbo jumbo.

Unsurprisingly, Rachael’s amendment was not supported by other Committee members (apart from Finlay Carson).

However, the issue of full cost recovery for trap licences was not resolved during this session because the Minister stated that her colleague, Biodiversity Minister Lorna Slater MSP, had recently (in January) commissioned a formal review of all species licensing undertaken by NatureScot, which will include assessing the potential for full cost recovery of licences. The review/report is expected within six months. I don’t know how that will impact on the progression of this Bill, given the Government’s stated intention to see the Bill passed before summer recess.

Conservative MSP Edward Mountain’s amendment suggesting that the withdrawal of wildlife trap licences should be based on the criminal burden of proof rather than the civil burden of proof was not supported. Neither was his amendment calling for an exemption from requiring a trapping licence if an applicant was (a) born before 31st December 1983 AND (b) had been using traps for 10 years consecutively. To be fair to him, although I thought his amendments were unsupportable, he did argue coherently and politely without the barbed sniping that was evident from some of his Conservative colleagues.

Labour MSP Colin Smyth didn’t find much support for his amendments on trap licensing, including a proposed condition that a trap licence shouldn’t be issued if its primary purpose was to manage the number of wild birds (Red Grouse) available for sport shooting. His arguments were passionate and eloquent and based on REVIVE’s campaign against ‘Killing to Kill‘ but he accused the Tories of making false claims about the impact of his amendments (it was argued that the amendments would effectively introduce a ban on grouse shooting) – they wouldn’t, and Colin announced his intention to press these amendments again at Stage 3.

The Minister’s amendment to create a specific offence of interfering with a lawfully set trap was approved, with an important caveat, ‘unless a person has reasonable cause to do so’. I’m guessing that a ‘reasonable cause’ may include concern about the immediate welfare of a trapped animal in distress, although a recent case in England based on those grounds led to the prosecution of a person who had released two highly distressed non-target species (a hare and a deer) from snares on the Duke of Norfolk’s estate in West Sussex. The person was subsequently found not guilty on all charges (see here). I may come back to that case in another blog because it’s interesting on a number of levels.

I note with some amusement that several grouse shooting organisations are trumpeting what they perceived as ‘a significant victory’ yesterday after the Minister removed a provision in the Bill that would have allowed the suspension of a trapping licence on the basis that a police investigation had started (into alleged trapping offences). Some of you may recall the Stage 1 discussions during the evidence sessions about the definition of an ‘investigation’ and when an ‘investigation’ could be deemed to have started (e.g. When someone reports an alleged offence? Or when the police issue a crime number? etc). It was a painful process that didn’t actually provide much clarity, even from the police, so for the purposes of having a water-tight Bill I think it was reasonable for this provision to be removed.

But is it a ‘significant victory’ as the grouse industry is claiming? I don’t think so. I think what the removal of this provision actually does is provide the police and NatureScot with a far less prescriptive regime and instead allows them more discretion when making an assessment of whether an offence has been committed and therefore whether a licence suspension or revocation is appropriate. That seems like a bit of an own goal by the grouse shooting industry, but if they want to declare it a victory, in what looks like a desperate attempt to appease their members amidst what is otherwise a catastrophic Bill for them (in their view), then good luck to them.

It’s been anticipated that the Committee will require two sessions to consider all the amendments at Stage 2 of this Bill, although judging by the pace of yesterday’s session I’d be surprised if they get through it all on time. The second session will take place on the morning of 21 February 2024.

The Scottish Parliament has agreed to extend consideration of Stage 2 to 23rd February 2024 so if they don’t manage to finish on the morning of the 21st there’s a small window in which to potentially squeeze a further session:

You can watch yesterday’s proceedings on a video archived on Scottish Parliament TV (here) and I’ll post the transcript when it becomes available (usually a few days after the meeting).

UPDATE: Here is the transcript of the meeting:

UPDATE 25th February 2024: Wildlife Management Bill – stage 2: further restrictions on grouse moor management agreed (here)

Parliamentary briefing by a coalition of conservationists ahead of Stage 2 of the Wildlife Management Bill

Three conservation organisations held a parliamentary reception at Holyrood yesterday to brief MSPs ahead of the forthcoming Stage 2 of the Wildlife Management & Muirburn (Scotland) Bill.

Members of the Scottish Raptor Study Group, RSPB Scotland and REVIVE, the coalition for grouse moor reform, were joined by many members of the Rural Affairs & Islands Committee (the Committee tasked with voting on the Bill’s Stage 2 amendments) and a few other MSPs also attended.

Representatives from SRSG, RSPB & REVIVE. Photo by REVIVE
Productive round-table discussion. Photo by REVIVE

The timing of this reception was fortuitous, thanks to Rural Affairs Committee Convenor Finlay Carson suddenly deciding on the eve of the Committee’s planned session to delay the consideration of the Stage 2 amendments by two weeks (see here and here). This provided an opportunity for conservationists to further brief MSPs on various issues relating to the Bill, ahead of the Committee’s session which is now scheduled to begin next week.

Interestingly, the fall-out from Finlay Carson’s decision to delay proceedings resulted in Committee member Jim Fairlie MSP (SNP) raising a point of order about it with the Parliament’s Presiding Officer (Alison Johnstone) on the day that Mr Carson made his decision (23 Jan 2024). From Alison’s response, it seems that Committee Convenors have a disproportionate yet legitimate level of power which allows them to thwart the will of Parliament. It’s quite an eye-opener:

Another consequence of Finlay Carson’s decision to delay proceedings is that MSPs were allowed an extended period of time in which to lodge amendments to the Bill at Stage 2. I note that Conservative MSPs Edward Mountain and Rachael Hamilton took advantage of that (legitimately) and have lodged further amendments to those they’d already lodged.

I haven’t been through these with a fine-toothed comb because I haven’t had the time, but I did note that Edward Mountain has lodged a further amendment suggesting that the withdrawal of wildlife trap licences should be based on the criminal burden of proof rather than the civil burden of proof (the Bill currently proposes a civil burden of proof which is an easier threshold to meet). Interesting, but not surprising.

The Rural Affairs & Islands Committee will begin its consideration of the Stage 2 amendments next Wednesday (7 February 2024). It will be one of two sessions (the date of the second session has yet to be announced) and will begin at 08.30hrs; earlier than the usual 9am start and probably a reflection of how many amendments there are to be considered.

It’s expected that the session will be available to watch live on Scottish Parliament TV, as usual.

If I have time I’ll write further about the specific Stage 2 amendments prior to the first Committee meeting next week.

Wildlife Management Bill – Minister provides update on Codes of Practice Working Groups

The Wildlife Management & Muirburn (Scotland) Bill, currently at Stage 2 of its progression through the Scottish Parliament, makes a provision that when assessing whether to issue a grouse shooting and/or muirburn licence the relevant authority (in this case, NatureScot) must consider whether the licence applicant is complying with the relevant new codes of practice.

Red grouse photo by Pete Walkden

These new codes of practice, designed to support the new legislation, are anticipated to include detailed guidance on issues such as the use of wildlife traps, medicated grit, muirburn specifications etc and to clarify what will be a statutory requirement and what will be considered guidance as ‘best practice’.

Under the leadership of NatureScot, two working groups have been established to draft these new codes of practice – one group for general grouse shoot management and one group for muirburn. The terms of the new codes will be thrashed out by these groups.

Minister for Environment Gillian Martin MSP has recently written to the Rural Affairs & Islands Committee to provide an update on the formation of these two working groups and the progress they’ve made so far. Here’s her letter:

I was amused by the Minister’s claim that ‘there is broad agreement amongst the members of each Group as to what should be included in the Codes‘.

Really?

Given the organisations involved in the working groups (see the annex at the end of the Minister’s letter), I’d be utterly amazed if there is ‘broad agreement’ about anything!

All the usual suspects from the grouse shooting world are there (BASC, Countryside Alliance, GWCT, Scottish Land & Estates, Scottish Gamekeepers and the Regional Moorland Groups (which are basically subgroups of the SGA and SLE)) and many of them have been vocally opposed to the Bill since it was first introduced last year (e.g. see here).

Are we really expected to believe that they’re now working in harmony with pro-Bill groups such as the RSPB, the Scottish Raptor Study Group, Scottish Wildlife Trust and Cairngorms National Park Authority without making any attempt to water down the terms of the new codes?

Its laughable.

Decision to defer Wildlife Management Bill Stage 2 amendments unconvincingly based on ‘weather’

Further to yesterday’s blog about the suddenly-announced two week delay to the Rural Affairs Committee’s deliberations over the Stage 2 amendments of the Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill (here), an explanation for this delay has now been provided.

And it’s pretty unconvincing, to be honest.

The Convenor of the Rural Affairs & Islands Committee, Finlay Carson MSP (Scottish Conservatives) opened this morning’s meeting by explaining to Committee members that he’d taken the decision to defer due to ‘the weather’.

He felt that as one or two Committee members weren’t able to attend in person, he didn’t want to risk running a hybrid meeting (where members who couldn’t attend in person could attend online) because of the ‘challenges and risks’ that would bring to proceedings.

Committee Convenor Finlay Carson MSP explaining his decision this morning. Screengrab from Scottish Parliament TV.

This explanation was seen as unsatisfactory by two SNP Committee members, Alasdair Allan MSP and Jim Fairlie MSP, who spoke about how hybrid meetings had become common practice since Covid, and indeed that other Committees have managed to handle Stage 2 proceedings perfectly well using this system.

Both SNP members chose their words carefully and clearly wanted it on record that the decision to defer for two weeks was not made by the Committee, but by Finlay Carson alone, as is his prerogative as Convenor. Indeed, both SNP members said the decision had come as a surprise to them and registered their dissatisfaction with the decision.

Alasdair Allan asked for the decision to be taken to a vote by the whole Committee:

Can I suggest we move to a vote on whether we revert to the original agenda or not?

Finlay Carson replied:

That’s not competent. Thank you. We’ll move on…

That was the end of the discussion and proceedings moved on to an entirely different topic.

If you want to watch this four minute discussion you can see it on the Rural Affairs Committee’s slot on Parliamentary TV (here), starts at 9.06am.

It was interesting to note that as far as I could see, just two Committee members weren’t present at the meeting – Beatrice Wishart MSP (Liberal Democrats & Deputy Convenor of this Committee) and Rachael Hamilton MSP (Scottish Conservatives).

Rural Affairs & Islands Committee attendees this morning

Beatrice Wishart hasn’t played an especially prominent role in this Bill’s proceedings to date but blood sports enthusiast Rachael Hamilton has, and, like her fellow Conservative MSP Finlay Carson, has not been reticent about expressing her fundamental objection to the general principles of the Bill. Indeed, I’d argue she’s been one of the Bill’s fiercest critics (as is her right), at least on this Committee.

Hmm.

Was this huge disruption to Parliamentary proceedings triggered by Rachael’s unavailability? I do wonder.

The good news about this two-week delay is that next week, REVIVE, the Scottish Raptor Study Group and the RSPB are holding a joint reception in the Scottish Parliament which will provide an excellent, and timely, opportunity for MSPs to receive further briefings from those of us who support this Bill and who want some of the more potentially damaging amendments voted down.

Nice.

Political shenanigans with Stage 2 of Wildlife Management Bill – back on tomorrow?

Earlier this evening I blogged about a two week deferral of voting on the Stage 2 amendments of the Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill (here).

This deferral decision was made at very short notice and no reason was given for it.

As the evening’s worn on, I’ve heard from a number of people inside the Scottish Parliament who have indicated that political shenanigans may be at play.

To protect confidences I’m not at liberty to say any more at the moment, other than you might want to watch the proceedings of the Rural Affairs & Islands Committee tomorrow morning at 9am (this is the Committee that was due to begin its considerations of the Stage 2 amendments tomorrow). The meeting’s current agenda is here.

The Stage 2 amendments may be returned to the agenda tomorrow morning, or if not, it may become clear why they’ve been removed from tomorrow’s agenda…

Regardless of whether or not deliberations begin tomorrow, it’s quite clear that the Committee’s consideration of the Stage 2 amendments will need to take place over a number of sessions/weeks given the number of lodged amendments so far.

As it stands at the moment (Stage 2 amendments not due to even begin to be considered until 7 February), this goes against a Parliamentary motion passed just last week, ‘That the Parliament agrees that consideration of the Wildlife Management and Muirburn (Scotland) Bill at stage 2 be completed by 9 February 2024‘.

The Rural Affairs & Islands Committee opens for business at 9am tomorrow (Weds 24 Jan) and should be available for viewing on Scottish Parliament TV (here).

UPDATE 24 January 2024: Decision to defer Wildlife Management Bill Stage 2 amendments unconvincingly based on ‘weather’ (here)

Extent of burning on Scottish peatlands, including many grouse moors, is why regulation is needed urgently

Just before Christmas a new scientific paper was published by experts from Leeds University, revealing that burning on deep peat is widespread on many Scottish grouse moors, and that, surprise surprise, land managers were ignoring the new (voluntary) Muirburn Code which suggests burning on peatland should be avoided (see here).

Muirburn on an Aberdeenshire grouse moor in 2022. Photo by RPUK blog reader

Today, one of the study’s authors, Dominick Spracklen, Professor of Biosphere-Atmosphere Interactions at the University of Leeds has written an easy-to-understand blog about the study to help the public (and I daresay politicians engaging with the Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill) understand the importance of minimising the extent of these peatland fires.

It’s well worth a read – here.

Stage 2 of Wildlife Management & Muirburn (Scotland) Bill deferred for two weeks

The Scottish Government’s Wildlife Management & Muirburn (Scotland) Bill is making its way through the parliamentary process. For new readers, this is proposed new legislation to regulate grouse shooting and its associated management practices by way of licensing schemes, introduced because of the continued illegal persecution of birds of prey on many Scottish grouse moors.

Poisoned golden eagle next to a poisoned bait found on a grouse moor in Cairngorms National Park. Photo by RSPB Scotland

The Rural Affairs and Islands Committee was due to scrutinise and vote on the Stage 2 amendments tomorrow but a notice has just gone around that this has now been delayed until Wednesday 7 February 2024 (no reason for the delay was provided).

This also means that more amendments are now allowed to be lodged, up until 12 noon on Thursday 1st February 2024.

So far, the lodged amendments are predictable with no real surprises (e.g. see here for commentary on some earlier ones).

Let’s see what else gets lodged between now and 1st February and I’ll try and provide an overview shortly afterwards.

UPDATE 22.15hrs: Political shenanigans with Stage 2 of Wildlife Management Bill – back on tomorrow? (here)

Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill – will it properly protect peatlands?

A blog reader who works as an upland peatland specialist has written the following blog.

With the Wildlife Management and Muirburn Bill passing through the Scottish Parliament we are soon to see a tightening of the regulation around grouse shooting and burning in the Scottish uplands. This is long overdue, but welcome, nonetheless. So many have fought for so long to get to this point; but the Bill is not over the line yet, with changes possible over the coming weeks.

A recent post on this blog highlighted some of the sorts of changes that could be made by pointing to the amendments lodged by Edward Mountain MSP and one of those jumped out as important. It seems innocuous and inconsequential but the suggestion to change the definition of peat depth from 40cm to 60cm does have implications.

Why does that matter so much? It matters because the Bill is designed to offer protection to peatlands and amendments such as this would weaken that protection.

Under the terms of the Bill, an owner or occupier of land will have to apply for a licence to undertake muirburn, but they can only burn for specific reasons and these reasons are different on different types of land. Where the land is peatland, the owner or occupier may apply for a licence for the purpose of restoring the natural environment, preventing or reducing the risk of wildfires, or research. Where the land is not considered to be peatland, they can apply for a licence to burn for sporting, farming, conservation, wildfire management or research purposes. In effect, burning on peatlands is restricted; land managers will not be able to burn on peatlands for sporting or farming purposes.

Peatland burning on a driven grouse moor. Photo: Ruth Tingay

Consequently, since the Bill is structured to treat peatlands differently, the definition of what is, and what is not, a peatland, really matters. It determines where different sets of rules apply.  

At present the Bill defines ‘peatland’ as “land where the soil has a layer of peat with a thickness of more than 40 centimetres” (where “peat” means soil which has an organic content of more than 60%).

In one way this definition does represent an improvement on the status quo because the current Muirburn Code refers to 50cm and the lower the threshold the larger the area that is considered to be peatland where the restricted rules apply. But, more fundamentally, these depth thresholds can have perverse consequences because they create artificial thresholds that don’t really exist. The consequence of this definition is that extensive areas of shallow peat of a depth less than 40cm will effectively be treated as ‘not peatland’, despite the fact that they are functionally part of a peatland and actually the most vulnerable areas. The IUCN Peatland Programme calls these areas the ‘lost peatlands’:

Despite these areas containing substantial carbon stores and often being vital to the wider ecology and hydrological function of connected deeper peat deposits, we, for the bureaucratic purpose of setting rules around burning, say that they are not peatlands. The result is that, under the terms of the Bill, a land manager will legitimately be able to burn on shallow peat for grouse shooting or farming purposes.  

The crux of the issue is that the legislation is clearly designed to try and protect peatlands by treating them differently, but at the same time the definition of a peatland limits the benefit.

If we look again at the Edward Mountain suggestion to change the depth definition from 40cm to 60cm, the effect would be to reduce the area that is considered peatland and so reduce the area where the greater restrictions apply. Conversely it would increase the area where burning for sporting and farming purposes would be possible. This would seem to run counter to the intention of the legislation.

Arguably, the best option would be to just stop defining peatlands (for the purposes of burning) by depth and say that we shouldn’t be burning on peat/peaty soil for sporting and farming purposes (noting, of course, that burning for the purpose of nature restoration, wildfire prevention and research would still be allowed). At the time of writing there is still time for this reasonable approach to be taken forward through amendments at Stage 2 or possibly later at Stage 3, so it remains to be seen whether the rhetorical importance that our politicians give to peatlands translates into real decisions in law.

Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill approaches Stage 2: cue ridiculous amendments!

The Scottish Government’s Wildlife Management & Muirburn (Scotland) Bill is making its way through the parliamentary process. For new readers, this is proposed new legislation to regulate grouse shooting and its associated management practices by way of licensing schemes, introduced because of the continued illegal persecution of birds of prey on many Scottish grouse moors.

Red grouse photo by Pete Walkden

The Bill passed Stage 1 on 30 November 2023 (here) when the Parliament voted to approve the general principles of the Bill.

Stage 2 is now fast approaching. This is the stage where any MSP can lodge amendments to the Bill (there is no restriction on how many may be lodged and, given the contentious nature of the Bill, it is anticipated that there will be hundreds of them).The cross-party Rural Affairs & Islands Committee will begin to consider the amendments at a meeting on 24th January 2024.

This may cause some alarm, given that some prominent members of the Rural Affairs Committee, including its Chair, voted against even the general principles of the Bill, but whatever amendments the Committee chooses to accept/reject at Stage 2, there will be an opportunity for amendments to be challenged/overturned at Stage 3, especially where they go against Government policy. [For a useful guide to what happens during the progression of a Bill in the Scottish Parliament, see here].

The deadline for submitting amendments for Stage 2 is 18 January 2024 so as you can imagine, there is a huge amount of background lobbying going on at the moment, both by conservationists and by the game shooting sector, in an attempt to (a) strengthen the Bill [the conservationists] and (b) weaken the Bill [the game shooting industry].

The tabled amendments are all being published on this page so it’s well worth keeping an eye on this over the coming week.

Two MSPs have tabled amendments so far – some are very sensible, others are simply bonkers (but entertaining, nevertheless). To help you interpret the amendments, you’ll need to refer to the details of the Bill (as introduced in March 2023) to understand the context of these amendments. Here’s the Bill (as introduced) to help you:

A sensible amendment has been tabled by John Mason MSP (SNP), who is suggesting that any fees charged to those applying for a grouse shooting licence ‘must be sufficient to cover any expenses and costs incurred by the relevant authority in carrying out its functions‘.

I’ve got no disagreement with that at all. Ten years ago journalist George Monbiot pointed out that the taxpayer already subsidises shotgun licencing in the UK as well as grouse moor owners – the Scottish Government needs to ensure that its grouse shooting licensing scheme is fully funded by the industry and not subsidised by taxpayers.

Edward Mountain MSP (Conservative) (who has featured on this blog previously here, here, here and here) has tabled 44 amendments, a few of which are sensible, but most of which are predictably designed to undermine the strength of the Bill.

Here are some amusing examples that I picked out from Ed’s amendments (this is not an exhaustive list by any means, just ones that jumped out).

Ed’s amendment #10 suggests that any trap user over the age of 40 years and who has used the trap in question for at least 10 years consecutively can skip having to complete an approved training course and should just get a trap licence automatically:

Eh? Why should anyone over the age of 40 years be exempt from completing a training course?! Nobody should be exempt if they are using traps to kill a sentient being, let alone anyone over the seemingly arbitrarily-chosen age of 40! Given the wide age-range of gamekeepers convicted for wildlife crime, including trap offences, there’s no evidence to support an exemption from training for the over 40s.

Moving on, Ed’s amendment #17 appears to be an attempt to prevent the ability of the Government to add pheasants and red-legged partridges to the licensing scheme if required:

As you may recall, the Government has not included pheasants or red-legged partridges in its proposed grouse moor licensing scheme, despite the recent upsurge of these gamebirds being released on grouse moors (see here), but the Bill does provide the capacity for these species to be added (i.e. a licence would be required to shoot them) if evidence emerges that wildlife crimes are being committed on grouse moors where these species have been released for shooting.

Ed is proposing that only gamebirds listed on the Red or Amber list could be added to the licensing scheme, which would obviously exclude the addition of pheasants and red-legged partridges as these are not endangered in any way – they are non-native, invasive species released in their millions each year for ‘sport’ shooting. The whole purpose of the licensing scheme is not to protect ‘rare’ (Red/Amber listed) birds – it is to enable the sanctioning of estates who commit wildlife crime when shooting these species. I hope this amendment is treated with the contempt it deserves.

Ed’s amendment #21 is to ‘leave out Section 8‘ of the Bill:

What is Section 8? Ah, that’s the Government’s proposal to extend the investigatory powers of the Scottish SCPA:

Given the Scottish Government’s (long awaited) commitment to extending the powers of the SSPCA (see here), this amendment is just a last-ditch attempt to prevent it from happening. Even if it gets past Stage 2, I fully expect it to be overturned at Stage 3 as it goes directly against Government policy and the Minister’s repeatedly stated intentions.

The remainder of Ed’s amendments focus on muirburn licencing where first of all he proposes excluding entire sections of the Bill relating to this (thus removing the requirement for a muirburn licence), but then goes on to suggest changes to the very sections he wants removed, presumably because he knows that the Government will never agree to removing the requirement for a muirburn licence!

Amongst the changes he proposes are the definition of peat depth to be changed from 40cm to 60cm, the ability to extend the muirburn season to 30 April at landowner discretion, and the management of gamebirds to be included as a legitimate reason to burn on peatland. He also suggests a public register of muirburn licences – that, at least, is a sensible amendment. As for the rest, they’re hard to take seriously in light of the climate crisis and I can’t see the SNP, Labour and Greens being supportive.

These amendments provide us with a flavour of what to expect from certain MSPs over the coming week – I dare say there will be even more outlandish attempts to overturn the provisions of the Bill given the ferocity of the grouse shooting industry’s objections to the Bill’s general principles. Let’s see.

UPDATE 15 January 2024: The National picked up on this blog post and published an article about it (here).

New study reveals burning on deep peat is widespread on many Scottish grouse moors: Muirburn Code is being ignored

A new peer-reviewed scientific study has revealed that burning on deep peat is widespread on many Scottish grouse moors.

This is despite a revision to the national guidelines (the Muirburn Code) in 2017 which states that burning on peatland should not take place unless it is part of a habitat restoration plan approved by the statutory regulator, NatureScot.

It’ll come as no surprise whatsoever to regular blog readers that these findings suggest that the revised guidelines ‘have not been widely adopted by land managers‘.

Grouse moor fire in Cairngorms National Park, Feb 2022

The paper, Assessment of peatland burning in Scotland during 1985-2022 using Landsat imagery, was authored by B.D. Spracklen and D.V. Spracklen and was published on 14 December 2023 in the journal Ecological Solutions and Evidence.

Here’s the study area, which includes a large portion of Scotland’s grouse moors:

Here’s the abstract:

This new paper should help inform MSPs and Ministers as we approach Stage 2 of the Wildlife Management and Muirburn (Scotland) Bill in January, where proposals to introduce a licensing scheme for muirburn are set to be challenged by the grouse-shooting sector, which seems to think that burning the moors to facilitate excessively large numbers of red grouse for a few selfish people to shoot for fun is more important than the global climate crisis.

Yet again, what this latest paper does is to demonstrate that any licensing scheme will require robust monitoring AND enforcement measures for it to be effective because if that’s not in place, the entitled ones will simply carry on as normal.

The paper is open access and can be read/downloaded here:

UPDATE 17 January 2024: Wildlife Management & Muirburn Bill – will it properly protect peatlands? (here)

UPDATE 23 January 2024: Extent of burning on Scottish peatlands, including many grouse moors, is why regulation is needed urgently (here)